Gabriele Cosentino

Media, Culture & Global Politics

Tag: Social Media

  • TikTok in Egypt: Where Rich and Poor Meet – and the State Watches Everything

    TikTok in Egypt: Where Rich and Poor Meet – and the State Watches Everything

    Khaled Desouki/AFP/Getty Images

    Published in The Conversation

     

    After being released from detention in 2011, Egyptian engineer and activist Wael Ghonim told the media:

    If you want to liberate a society, all you need is the internet.

    He’d been taken into custody for his role in the revolution that toppled the regime of Hosni Mubarak. Part of the success of this unprecedented popular uprising was due to the role of social media in mobilising citizens around a common political cause.

    In 2025, after a decade under the repressive government of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, it’s fair to say that little has remained of Ghonim’s vision. Social media use in Egypt is closely guarded by the authorities to detect signs of opposition. Citizens are routinely detained, even for the slightest criticism of the government.

    In 2018 Egypt introduced a new law, apparently to curb the problem of online misinformation and disinformation. This law is, in reality, often used to stifle dissent. Egyptians today operate within unclear boundaries of what is permissible to say online. The result is widespread self-censorship for fear of arrest.

    As a scholar of political communication and new media I’ve written books on global social media. I teach students about the social and political impact of digital and social media in Egypt. The video sharing platform TikTok is a frequent subject in my classes because it reveals both the liberating and the repressive effects of social media use in Egypt.

    TikTok stands out for its ability to create viral videos and sudden micro-celebrities. This has made it a lightning rod for government crackdowns. But it has also connected people across socio-economic divides and bred a lively new cultural and political debate – one that’s not as easy for the government to police.

    TikTok in Egypt

    Since 2020, TikTok has become immensely popular in Egypt, with an estimated 33 million users over 18 years old.

    While TikTok hasn’t taken on the explicit political dimension that Facebook or Twitter did over a decade ago, it has already become the theatre of a series of incidents that have landed its users in the crosshairs of the authorities. This has exposed political rifts and tensions.

    People in a crowd, a hand holds up a placard that reads
     
    Facebook was the prominent social media during the revolution. Sherif9282/Wikimedia Commons

    Most of the incidents are related to the ability of TikTok to work as a “virality engine” – even users with few followers can gain a sudden and sometimes problematic celebrity.

    But while Egyptian authorities have evidently been cracking down on TikTok users, there have been no concrete plans to ban the platform. In fact, some government branches have used it to advance their own initiatives. The Ministry of Youth and Sports, for example, signed an agreement with TikTok to launch the Egyptian TikTok Creator Hub, designed to educate youth on using social media responsibly.

    Women targeted

    Since 2020, Egyptian authorities have arrested TikTok users under charges ranging from the violation of family values to the spread of false information and allegations of belonging to terrorist organisations. Most of these TikTokers didn’t post explicit sexual or political content, making the charges against them appear exaggerated. These cases suggest the authorities are closely monitoring the platform, following strict moral and political considerations.

    The most high profile cases have involved young women, most notably Haneen Hossam and Mawada Eladham, who were arrested in 2020 for violating family values. Article 25 of Egypt’s anti-cybercrime law states that content “violating the family principles and values upheld by Egyptian society may be punished by a minimum of six months’ imprisonment and/or a fine”. It leaves the definition of family values purposefully vague.

    Observers have noted that this vagueness has allowed the law to be applied in a range of different cases. More than a dozen women have faced similar charges, endured pretrial detention and been handed lengthy prison sentences.

    The arbitrary nature of many of the charges suggests a possible deeper motive: policing the presence of young women in digital spaces where they can gain influence and financial independence outside traditional family or work structures.

    TikTok has given ordinary users in Egypt unprecedented visibility, in some cases allowing them to challenge social norms, often through humour. This appears to have unsettled authorities, who appear to have sought to send a message to the broader population.

    Arrests

    TikTok-related arrests have not been limited to family values. In 2022, three users were arrested for criticising rising food prices. They were charged with spreading fake news, despite the fact that inflation in Egypt was rising sharply.

    In 2023, a parody skit of a fake jail visit by a TikToker went viral. The creators were arrested and charged with belonging to a terror organisation, spreading fake news and misusing social media.

    Such arrests indicate that TikTok content that touches on politically sensitive matters, even in jest, is posing a new type of challenge for the Egyptian government. The state is particularly concerned with viral content that might bring attention to its poor human rights record. This includes notoriously bad conditions in jails.

    ‘Egypt’ and ‘Masr’

    At the same time, the platform is proving able to connect people from very different social and economic backgrounds, as it is seen to do globally.

    Egypt is very hierarchical. Small, affluent elite groups live in a separate and secluded socio-economic reality from the majority of the population. Thirty percent of Egyptians live under the poverty line.

    On TikTok, the more privileged, cosmopolitan section of society is referred to as “Egypt”. The poor and disenfranchised are “Masr” (مصر), the Arabic word for Egypt.

    TikTok is aimed at generating viral content more than it is a networking site, like Facebook, that’s based on pre-existing social connections. The result is a virtual common space where the two sides can interact in new ways. This engenders unique social and cultural dynamics also observed in other countries.

    “Egypt” watches “Masr” create all kinds of content – from singing and dancing routines to live begging. “Masr” gets to peek into the otherwise inaccessible world of the wealthy.

    In the current climate of an economic crisis, this divide can be glaring. While most Egyptians are struggling with inflation, the cost of living and unemployment, the wealthy flaunt their lifestyles on TikTok.

    When wealthy TikTokers post content complaining about relatively petty issues like a long wait for valet parking at a luxury restaurant or boast about their weekly allowance, it reveals their disconnect from the everyday hardships faced by the less privileged.

    Users are able to comment freely on each other’s videos, sharing their unvarnished opinions. A student boasting about their weekly allowance of 3,000 EGP (US$60) might be told, “This is some people’s monthly salary.”

    Political consequences

    Since it first appeared in 2020, TikTok in Egypt has evolved from a platform mainly geared towards silly and entertaining content by teenagers. It’s become an outlet for people of all ages interested in gathering information, keeping abreast of current trends and events, and also a space for political engagement, especially on the issue of Palestine.

    There hasn’t been an obvious politicisation of TikTok in Egypt yet and there might never be, given the strict policing by authorities. But TikTok’s ability to expose divisions in Egyptian society and connect citizens across demographic cleavages could potentially have unexpected political consequences in the near future.

    Shahd Atef contributed to the research for this article

  • Donald Trump: The Political Reality Show That Could Win America

    Donald Trump: The Political Reality Show That Could Win America

    His Twitter following is growing by one million people a month. On television, he hosted the hit reality show The Apprentice. Here is why the Republican candidate is the perfect product of a hybrid age, suspended between television and the internet—and why he could win.

    Originally published in Italian for on L’Espresso

    Among the many explanations offered to make sense of Donald Trump’s surprising rise during the Republican primaries, one of the most original comes from Nicholas Mirzoeff, professor of Visual Culture at New York University. According to Mirzoeff, Trump represents the emergence in politics of a new media reality: a dimension in which the cultural legacy of reality television merges with the ever-expanding universe of social media.

    Viewed through this lens, the “Trump phenomenon” combines elements of both worlds: the world of reality television, a cultural model centered on the possibility of achieving near-instant celebrity through popular voting, and the world of social media, built upon interactivity and constant connectivity. Trump thus emerges as a hybrid political figure situated between two eras—that of television and that of the internet—in an interregnum where the echoes of an old model have not yet faded, while the language of a new generation is still taking shape. It is surely no coincidence that Donald Trump hosted one of television’s most successful reality series, The Apprentice, while simultaneously proving himself a shrewd communicator on Twitter, where his followers have been increasing by roughly one million every month since January.

    But how exactly does Trump succeed in bridging the worlds of television and the internet? To better understand this connection, it is useful to listen to Trump’s own supporters, who consistently describe the businessman—with his unmistakable flair for spectacle—as someone who “tells it like it is.” He tells it like it is, his enthusiastic fans repeat. According to a recent New York Times study, this was precisely the reason why voters in thirteen states supported Trump during the Republican primaries. This finding is especially noteworthy in light of an ABC News/Washington Post poll showing Trump leading Hillary Clinton by two percentage points in voter preferences ahead of the November presidential election. If Donald Trump is rewarded for speaking bluntly and directly, unconstrained by the conventions of political correctness, Hillary Clinton has often been criticized for lacking “authenticity.”

    According to reality television scholar Matthew Wheelock Stahl, the ability to project authenticity is recognized as one of the defining qualities of successful reality TV contestants. The intimate, confessional, and often voyeuristic environment created by reality television rewards personalities who appear genuine, real, and believable—individuals capable of generating emotional or cultural affinity among viewers—even if much of their behavior is, in fact, carefully guided by the show’s producers. The preferences expressed by Trump’s supporters suggest that the very qualities considered essential for success in a reality show are now also expected of political candidates: what matters is not so much what politicians say, but whether they appear to say it authentically. It is worth recalling that when Sarah Palin burst onto the national stage in 2008, many observers remarked that the Republican vice-presidential candidate seemed to have stepped straight out of a reality show—not only because of her unconventional and often inelegant style, but also because of her ability to connect with the most conservative and economically disadvantaged segments of the American electorate.

    Following Sarah Palin’s awkward and grammatically shaky endorsement of Trump in January, it became increasingly clear that the businessman was positioning himself as the champion of a form of television-driven populism that still commands strong support among Republican voters, particularly those aligned with the Tea Party movement. It mattered little that President Obama warned that the presidency of the United States is not a reality show. Frustrated voters, who had upended the Republican Party’s internal balance, had found in Donald Trump their favorite contestant: the most authentic, the most fearless, the one most capable of amplifying popular frustration with Washington politics, anger over the perceived injustices of the global economy, and fears surrounding war, terrorism, and uncontrolled migration.

    These emotions may well have been genuine. Yet, as in every reality show, they were carefully edited and amplified by Trump himself, who displayed an exceptional instinct for controversy and an uncanny ability to create memorable catchphrases. From Build the Wall!—the slogan attached to his controversial proposal to build a border wall with Mexico, which became a mantra at every Trump rally—to Get ’em out!, shouted by supporters at protesters who disrupted his campaign events, Trump demonstrated a remarkable talent for transforming political messages into viral slogans.

    If reality television provided the cultural soil from which Donald Trump’s political phenomenon grew, social media became its antennae: the channels through which the future Republican presidential nominee maintained a constant presence in the public sphere. While on The Apprentice he served merely as producer and host, the daily show he stages through his Twitter account has made Trump its producer, director, and leading actor. The medium is entirely under his control. He manages it personally, communicating and interacting without filters with more than eight million followers.

    If the language of reality television is what media scholars call semi-scripted—partly written and partly improvised—social media pushes immediacy and spontaneity even further. Short, emotionally charged statements, crafted through well-tested rhetorical formulas; language reportedly written at a fourth-grade reading level; and the repeated use of mocking nicknames—Crooked Hillary being the latest example—to discredit opponents. This is the strategy, and so far it has proved remarkably effective.

    Trump appears to have understood better than most the capacity of social media to generate viral phenomena. His venomous attacks on political rivals produce thousands of likes, retweets snowball into virtual avalanches, and hashtag campaigns achieve the critical mass necessary to become news stories in their own right. Traditional media then amplify these trends, providing Trump with enormous visibility and free publicity while overturning the conventional rules of electoral campaigning.

    This unstable mixture of influences—from reality television to social media—appears to have provided Donald Trump with the most effective weapon for navigating the chaotic Republican primary season. Now, however, a different phase begins, with the highest possible stakes: the presidency of the United States.

    Some recent signals suggest that Trump intends to restore more conventional political rules, abandon some of the personal attacks, and repair relations with the Republican establishment. Yet while Trump succeeded during the primaries in defying both the political system and the traditional media with a boldness no previous candidate had dared to display, it will be far more difficult to evade scrutiny and disappoint the expectations of the national audience.

    If Americans chose him as a vehicle for expressing their anger and disillusionment, he will not be able to shed that role so easily.